第二讲 处境化神学倾向、趋势、悖论 授课笔记

Lecture  2 The Relationship of Chinese Theology to the Society:

An Analysis of the Tendency of Chinese Theology in Retrospect and Prospect

第二讲 中国神学与社会的关系:    ———中国神学的特征与倾向

 

2.0.  Introduction

2.0.  导言

2.0.1. The relationship is extremely close;

2.0.1. 极其密切的关系;

2.0.2.  The Chinese theology’s influence     on the society has been indirect and very small, but the latter’s on the former has been direct and very great;

2.0.2.  中国神学对社会的影响，间接而弱小；中国社会对神学的影响，直接而强大。

2.0.3. The latter’s influence has been directed by the government or politics.

2.0.3. 社会对神学的影响，自觉或不自觉地受到政府或政治的引导。

2.1. The Quasi-Theology and its Political Background: 7th -14th Centuries 

2.1. “准神学”及其政治背景: 第七至十四世纪

2.1.1.  Nestorianism in Tang Empire (635-845 AD.):

2.1.1.  唐帝国的“景教” (635-845 AD.):

2.1.1.1. No authentic and complete theology;

2.1.1.1. 没有真正完整的神学;

2.1.1.2. Chinese Nestorian literature characterized by

2.1.1.2. 汉语“景教文献”

a. lack of complete, even clear formulation of Christian doctrine (“Cross?” K.S.Latourett,1884-1968);

a.没有完整地、甚至没有清晰地说明 基督教的教义       (“十字架”的形象？意义？  -K.S.赖特烈,1884-1968);

b. too much of Buddhist terms and concepts (“Another Buddhist denomination?” –Latourette);

b. 太多的佛教术语和概念 (“又一个佛教宗派 ”?-同上 );

c. much stress on the Emperors’ attitude(25 lines of the 33,  ½ 0f the content of “Introduction”!  He & Yeung).

c. 过于注重皇帝的态度 (景教碑“颂”33行与25行之比, “序”  ½ 的内容! -《汉语神学读本》 ).

2.1.1.3. All these reveal

2.1.1.3. 这些特点反映了

A. the tendency to adaptation to the social situation and political policy, rather than the emphasis on the religious purity;

A. 其倾向是要适应社会环境和政府政策（而非重视宗教上的纯洁性）;

B. the political background described by some Buddhists as “ any religious enterprise cannot stand without obedience to the ruler” (vs. the famous theory about  “the  monk should be allowed to show no veneration to the king”） . 

B. 政治背景被佛教徒描述为 “ 不依国主，则法事难立” (取代著名的 “沙门不敬王者”论）。

2.1.2. Catholicism in Yuan Empire(1294-1368 AD):

2.1.2. 元帝国的天主教(1294-1368 AD):

2.1.2.1. No Chinese theology;

2.1.2.1. 没有“汉语神学”？

2.1.2.2. Giovani de Montecorvino and his colleagues worked among non-Chinese peoples (the translation of NT and Psalms “likely not into Chinese”);

The Christian community did “not make much efforts in the Chinese” (K. Latourette);

2.1.2.2. 孟高维诺及其同事的工作，主要在非汉族的  民族之中；《新约》和《诗篇》的翻译，“可能并非汉语”;  基督徒社团并没有“在汉人中进行很多努力” (K.  赖特烈);

附论：“汉语神学”概念的意义！

2.1.2.3. All these also reveal

A. the similar tendency to adaptation to the social and political situations: the Chinese, even forming the majority of population, were marginal in social status and in political position;  

B. the political background: the Empire’s ruling class and superior classes (including the Christians among them) consisted in Mongolians and other non-Chinese peoples.   

2.1.2.3. 这些情况也表明

A. 倾向是要适应当时的社会环境，即，汉人尽管构成 人口的大多数,却在社会地位上处于边缘;  

B. 适应当时的政治环境，即，帝国统治阶级和上层人士 (包括其中的基督徒)主要是蒙古人和其他非汉族（“色目人”）。   

2.2. The Birth of Chinese Theology and Social Culture:   Late 16-Early 18 Centuries

2.2.1. The birth of Chinese theology and the getting rooted of Christianity in China: Cause or effect ?

2.2.2. Michaele Ruggieri and Matteo Ricci arrived in Zhaoqing (meaning “start of celebration”！) in 1583.

The woks of them, of their followers and of Chinese scholars such as Yang Ting-yun, Xu Guang-qi, Li Zhi-zhao and Wang Zheng, their complete formulation , persuasive polemics  and Chinese expressions—are obvious signs of the Birth of Chinese Theology !

2.2. 汉语神学的诞生与 社会文化:  
十六世纪末至十八世纪初

2.2.1. “汉语神学”的诞生与基督教在中国的扎根: 原因还是结果 ?

2.2.2.  罗明坚（M.Ruggieri）与利玛窦（M.Ricci）1583年到达肇庆；

    他们和他们的同侪、追随者、后继者以及杨庭筠、徐光启、李之藻和王徵等中国学者的著作, 以及这些著作完整的表述、有力的辩论和纯熟典雅的“古代汉语”风格，构成了“汉语神学”诞生的明显表征。

   

 

2.2.3.1. They are characterized by their knowledge of Chinese classics and Confucian tradition, as the established and popular tradition (hence the fame of Ricci as “Western Confucian”, and the “Controversy over Chinese Rites”), showing their tendency to or

emphasis on adaption to the Chinese social culture;

 2.2.3.2. The political background: “governance with no head” during late Ming (柏杨）and the liberal authoritarianism during Emperor Kangxi’s reign.

 

2.2.3.1. 他们对作为主流文化和民族传统的中国古典、儒家经典之熟悉 (以致于利玛窦以  “西儒”著称, 以致于后来有 “中国礼仪之争”), 表明他们倾向于强调适应中国社会文化;

 2.2.3.2. 当时政治背景的特征: 晚明的“断头政治” (柏杨），清初的“开明专制”（康熙）。

2.3. The Stagnancy and Growth of Chinese Theology and Church’s Situation:Early 18th-Mid 20th Centuries

2.3.1. The stagnancy (1706-1846): the result from the prohibition of Catholicism during Kangxi, Yongzheng,  Qianlong and their successors’ reign;

2.3.1.1.The political situation: persecution, and miracle?(1724-1839: Chinese Catholics increased from 300,000 to 313,000, while numerous missionaries and laymen were expelled, prisoned and executed ! )

2.3.1.2. Social situation: terrible “Literary Inquisition” !

2.3. “汉语神学”的停滞、生长与教会处境:十八世纪初至二十世纪中

2.3.1. 停滞 (1706-1846): 康熙、雍正、乾隆及其后继者禁教的结果;

2.3.1.1.政治形势：迫害与奇迹?

从1724年到1839年，在大量传教士和平信徒被驱逐、监禁或处死的形势下， 中国天主教徒从 300,000人 ，增加到 313,000人 !

2.3.1.2. 社会形势: 恐怖的“文字狱” ! 从明朝的“东厂西厂”到清朝的“乾嘉小学”……

2.3.2. The appearance of growing point!（1807）

2.3.2.1. R. Morrison’s arrival and his translation of OT and NT(with help of W. Milne) into Chinese for the first time (1819), then Catechism and Book of Prayer, the first college and the first magazine; up to 1877, there appeared 521 works in theology and narrative, 82 books in catechism, 54 in prayer and liturgy, 63 in psalms: signs of growth !

2.3.2.2. Many different Chinese versions of Bible constructed the base camp for advance of theology.

2.3.2. 生长点的出现（1807）

2.3.2.1. 马礼逊（R. Morrison）到中国，同米怜( W. Milne)首次翻译圣经为汉语(1819), 然后译教义问答和祈祷书, 办英华书院，创中国第一份期刊; 到1877年,中国已经出现 521 种基督教的神学和叙事作品, 82种 教义问答书籍, 54 种祈祷和礼仪书籍, 63 种赞美诗集: 所有这些，都显现了中国神学生长的迹象!

2.3.2.2. 许多不同版本的中文圣经，构成了中国神学生长的基础。

2.3.2.3. There appeared influential Chinese works by Chinese authors such as Exhortation for the World (劝世良言) by Liang Fa, the first Chinese preacher, Teaching for World’s Awaking, according to Primal Dao (原道醒世训) by Hong Xiu-quan, the leader of Taiping Rebellion, and the sermons by Chinese pastors such as Xi Sheng-mo (席胜魔）.

2.3.2.3. 不久后开始出现了很有影响的中国作者的汉语作品 ，如第一位中国传道人梁发的《劝世良言》，太平天国领袖洪秀全的《原道醒世训》， 以及中国牧师席胜魔等人的讲道集等等。

2.3.2.4.

A. Liang Fa’s criticism of Confucianism, Buddhism, Daoism and folk religions and Hong Xiu-quan’s argument from Confucian teachings demonstrated that they were influenced by and concerned about the social culture very much.

B. In 30 odd years since 1807, Protestant church had no more than 100 Chinese members; even after lift the ban of Catholicism, all churches were surrounded by antagonism from literati and might be attacked by them and the mass, often with bloody riot, up to Boxer Rebellion in 1900.  

2.3.2.4.

A. 梁发对儒释道教和民间宗教的批判，洪秀全依据儒家学说（同当代新儒家说的相反）的论证，表明他们深受社会文化影响，并很关注社会文化问题。

B. 从1807年起30多年内，新教教会中的中国信徒不足100人；即使在清廷取消禁教令、教会活动合法化之后，所有的教会依然被士大夫的敌意所包围，而且随时可能遭到他们煽动的民众攻击；直到义和团事件，辛丑条约之前，这类攻击常常伴随着暴力。   

2.3.3. Relatively normal growth (1900-1949) , after 2oo years of persecution.

2.3.3.1. Flourishing of various publications, written, translated and organized by Western missionaries, especially from Britain and U.S. and their Presses, especially Christian Literature Society;

2.3.3.2. The unique and ignored contribution of Union Version Bible to the development of modern Chinese literature, comparable with that of Luther’s version to German literature and King James Version to English.    

 

2.3.3. 将近200年迫害之后，比较正常的生长 (1900-1949)。

2.3.3.1. 西方传教士，尤其是英美传教士写作、翻译和组织出版的各种书刊涌现；他们创办的出版社，特别是“广学会”等发挥了很大作用;

2.3.3.2. 中文《和合本圣经》对中国现代文学的贡献,独一无二，堪比路德圣经译本对德语文学、詹姆士钦定本圣经对英语文学的贡献，但是却遭到忽略。

 

2.3.3.3. Many brilliant scholars, such as Zhao Zi-chen (T.S.Chao)and Xie Fu-ya, engaged their research and writing in theology; many eloquent preachers, such as Wang Ming-dao and Ni Tuo-sheng(Watchman Nee) published their popular and widespread sermons;

2.3.3.4. While the concerns about Confucianism and Buddhism (respectively by Zhao, Xie and other scholars) continued the tendency to adaption to the social culture, the focusing on the need of Church life and spiritual discipline of common believers (by Wang and Ni and other preachers) shows the reorientation of Chinese theology to the Church itself !    

2.3.3.3. 赵紫宸、谢扶雅等许多杰出的学问家从事神学的研究和写作; 而王明道、倪柝声等许多雄辩的布道家则 发表了通俗易懂又广为流传的讲章和文章;

2.3.3.4. 赵、谢等学者对儒教、佛教等的关注 ，继续着适应社会文化的倾向；而王、倪等牧者对普通信众教会生活与灵性培育需要的关注，则显示出中国神学重新定向于教会本身！    

2.3.3.5. It is natural and even necessary for any nation’s theology to re-orientate to the native church which it should serve, and to take the evangelization of the nation as its main concern, as soon as it has got a situation allowing it to do so.

The Chinese theology could not become an exception !

2.3.3.5. 一旦环境许可，任何民族或国家的神学，就会转向它本该服务的本土教会，就会把在本族本国传播福音作为主要的关切，这是自然的，甚至是必然的。

中国神学不可能成为例外！

2.4. The Death of Chinese Theology and its Political Background (1950s-1970s)

2.4.1. The storm of communist revolution caused the schism of the church; the believers who were unwilling to re-orientate to the campaigns (including support of North side in the Korean War) and to obey the CPC’s command were forced to underground religious life at home, became the seeds of today’s “house churches”; those who were willing to do that formed churches under TSMC. 

2.4. 中国神学的死亡及其政治背景 (1950至1970年代)

2.4.1. 1950年代革命的风暴，导致了教会大分裂： 那些同意按照党的要求，参加各种“政治运动”的信徒，构成了“（抗美援朝）三自爱国运动委员会”管辖下的教会；不愿意参加那些“政治运动”的信徒，则不得不在家里进行崇拜，而成为今日“家庭教会”的种子。 

2.4.2. While it was soon impossible for the former to do any theology as Wang and Ni and other church leaders were prisoned, it became also impossible for the latter to have any true theology as all the articles in theological journals were commanded to voice in one tune (e. g. supporting North Korea and opposing U.S.), and all the theological journals and seminaries were closed with only one left.

2.4.2.  随着王、倪和其他教会领袖被捕,“家庭教会”很快就不可能进行任何神学工作了；随着神学院校（及其出版物）先是被大大减少和限制，而后被关闭（除了一所之外），“三自教会”也不可能有任何真正的神学了。

2.4.3. As the political policies became more and more hard and severe, the only theological seminary and its journal were closed, even the TSMCs at all levels were closed in most of 1960s and 1970s, all theologians had to stop writing, all the books in the field even the term itself disappeared, and nearly all the believers were persecuted, therefore, any kind of theology had died in the 30 years in China.

That was the common destiny for nearly all the Chinese humanities and some social sciences.  

2.4.3. 随着政治方针越来越严厉，唯一的一座神学院及其杂志被关闭，各级“三自委员会”也被关闭,所有的神学家不得不停止写作，几乎所有的信徒都遭受迫害，这个领域所有的书籍，甚至连“神学”这个词本身都消失了……因此，在那三十年间，任何种类的神学都不复存在，即在中国死亡了。这是当时中国几乎所有的社会科学和人文学科的共同命运！  

2.5. The Revival of Chinese Theology and the Social Culture: 1980s-1990s

2.5.1. The policy of “Reform and Opening” brought about the revival of social life, including religious life, hence the revivals of humanities and of theology.

But the revival of theology took a very rare way, not much through the work of Christian theologians in the Church or in the few restored seminaries, but mostly through the work of academics in humanities at universities and “academies of social sciences” under the Party leadership !      

2.5. 中国神学的复苏与社会文化 : 1980年代至1990年代

2.5.1.“改革开放”政策带来了社会生活,包括宗教生活的复苏，由此而有了人文学科和神学的复苏。

     但是,神学的复苏采取了一种罕见的途径，即，更多地不是通过教会里或少数刚恢复的神学院里的基督教神学家的工作, 而主要是他通过大学和“社会科学院”系统里的社会科学和人文学科领域中的学者的工作来实现的 !      

 

2.5.2. Most of the work of the academics during the 20 years cannot be properly called “theology”, but is really “Christian studies”, with something on the border of theology.

The academics can be divided into  three generations according to their different personal experiences, worldviews, academic results and attitudes towards Christianity.

2.5.2. 这20年里学者们的工作，多半都不是严格意义上的“神学”, 实际上主要是“基督教研究”, 只有少数工作接近于神学。

这些学者可以分为三代人，他们的个人经历、世界观、学术成果和对基督教的态度都是不一样的。

2.5.3.1. The first generation (nowadays in their 70s) :

Those in the church were “from religion to politics” ; those in the academia were “from revolution to reflection”; A Dictionary of Religions  (Ren Jiyu ed.)and Chinese Encyclopedia, Religion Volume (Luo Zhufeng ed.)—the objective introduction of Christianity for the first time in 30 years;

2.5.3.1. 第一代学者(现在70岁以上) : 其中的教会中人经历的是“从宗教到政治” ; 其中的学界中人经历的是  “从革命到反思”;

成果：《宗教词典》(《宗教大词典》，任继愈主编)，《中国大百科全书：宗教卷》 (罗竹风主编)—30年来第一次对基督教的客观介绍。

2.5.3.2. The second generation (around 60 years old): Majority was “from learning to understanding”, minority was “from seeking to finding”(the spiritual way out for oneself, the cultural way out for the nation);

 Translating, writing and editing many works;

“Sino-Christian Theology” Movement since 1996.

2.5.4. Socio-cultural situation: the revival and flourish of humanities and social sciences in 1980s and 1990s. 

2.5.3.2. 第二代学者 (现在60岁上下): 大多数的经历是 “从学习到理解”, 少数人的经历是 “从寻求到发现”(自己个人的精神出路, 国家民族的文化出路); 成果：翻译、写作和编辑许多著作； 

1996年以来的“汉语神学”运动 。

2.5.4. 社会文化环境: 1980和1990年代社会科学和人文学科的复苏和繁荣。  

2.6. The Development of Chinese Theology and the Church’s situation: the Beginning of 21th Century

2.6.1. The third generation (around 50 years old and below): most are “from students to experts”, many are “from interests to commitments” ;

Spreading Christian studies to the true theology, making it possible for Chinese theology to go back to itself and to develop itself !

Numerous essays, articles and dissertations in theological studies in different journals and anthologies.

2.6. 中国神学的发展及教会处境： 21世纪之初

2.6.1. 第三代学者 (现在50来岁及以下): 大多数经历的是 “从学习到专精”, 许多人经历了 “从兴趣到委身” ;

     从基督教研究扩展到 真正的神学；使得中国神学有可能返回自身、获得发展 !

成果：不同的“学刊”和“文集”之中大量的神学研究论文、文章、学位论文以及专著、译著、丛书等等。

2.6.2. The rapid growth of “house churches” in cities, especially in metropolitans as Beijing, Shanghai, Guangzhou and Shenzhen, with intellectual leaders and much more educated members; some of them are beginning to interact with academics in the field.

2.6.3. However, in the situation that has few specialty journals, few symposiums in this field, no association of theologians, but has many constrains, we cannot but have to work hard and keep hope !

2.6.2. 背景：城市里尤其是北京、上海、广州、深圳等大城市里 “家庭教会”的快速发展 , 其知识型领袖和教育程度较高的会众; 其中一些同此一领域的学者开始有了互动。

2.6.3. 然而，在这样的处境——神学领域的专业杂志极少、专业会议极少、没有专业协会, 但却有很多限制的处境下, 我们只能努力工作、永不绝望 !

2.7. The Tendency of Chinese Theology in Retrospect and Prospect

2.7.1. In the past 1300 years (mid-7th century—mid-20th century), its concern center changed from political affairs to social culture, then to the church itself;

2.7.2. In prospect at the beginning of 21th century, we seem to see some signs showing an opposite trend for the future: Chinese theology has to direct its concern center from church itself to the socio-cultural problems, then to political reflection upon them.  

2.7. 中国神学的倾向：
回顾与展望

2.7.1. 在以往1300年中 (从第七世纪中叶到二十世纪中叶), 中国神学的关注中心是：从政治事务到社会文化,再到教会自身;

2.7.2. 从二十一世纪初展望, 我们似乎看到迹象表明未来有某种相反的倾向: 中国神学不得不把关注中心，从教会自身转向社会文化问题, 再转向对这些问题的政治反思。  

2.7.3. From the theology of church, to the theology of culture, then to some  theology of politics; I think such a trend is necessary, and beneficial, not only to Chinese theology itself, but also to the Chinese Church and the Chinese society !

2.7.3.

   从关于教会的神学,到关于文化的神学，再到某种关于政治的神学—— 这样一种趋势是必然的，也是有益的；不仅对于中国神学本身,而且对于中国教会和中国社会，都是如此 !